For weeks, they fended off Russian assaults, holed up in an unlimited metal mill underneath barrages of missiles and mortars. And when the Ukrainian troops defending the Azovstal plant lastly surrendered in Could 2022, the mill had been diminished to rubble and twisted steel.
The combating at Azovstal, within the besieged metropolis of Mariupol, was a signature second within the early months of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine.
It was additionally a serious setback for Ukraine’s richest man, the plant’s proprietor.
With the destruction of Azovstal, the proprietor, Rinat Akhmetov, misplaced an industrial jewel accounting for one-fifth of Ukraine’s metal output — a multibillion greenback loss that dealt a extreme blow to his longtime grip on the Ukrainian financial system.
Mr. Akhmetov’s case underlines how the struggle, by ravaging Ukrainian trade, has curbed the facility of the nation’s so-called oligarchs, tycoons who’ve lengthy reigned over the financial system and used their wealth to purchase political affect, consultants say.
Within the struggle’s first yr, the entire wealth of the 20 richest Ukrainians shrank by greater than $20 billion, in line with Forbes journal. Mr. Akhmetov took the most important hit, shedding greater than $9 billion. He’s one in all solely two billionaires left in Ukraine, down from 10 earlier than the struggle, in line with The New Voice of Ukraine newspaper.
Now, the Ukrainian authorities plan to make use of their wartime powers to attempt to make a clear break with the oligarchs. The intention is to scale back their affect over the financial system and politics, and to prosecute those that had engaged in corrupt practices, carrying by way of on insurance policies that President Volodymyr Zelensky had promised to pursue earlier than the invasion.
“They’re weak, and it’s a singular alternative to realize justice when it comes to how the nation ought to be run,” Denys Maliuska, Ukraine’s justice minister, mentioned in an interview.
The Ukrainian authorities say that these efforts are about rebuilding a postwar nation that’s extra democratic and affluent, and that additionally they present that they’re combating corruption, a vital step to safe help from Western allies.
The crackdown may remove affect shopping for, however it could additionally scale back pluralism in Ukrainian politics and sideline a few of Mr. Zelensky’s opponents. Earlier than the struggle, one of many highest-profile investigations of a businessman was in opposition to Mr. Zelensky’s chief political rival, former President Petro O. Poroshenko, who made a fortune within the sweet enterprise. Mr. Poroshenko has averted criticism of Mr. Zelensky for the reason that begin of the struggle, as a substitute portraying himself as a loyalist able to combat for his nation.
Some critics additionally say the wartime focus of energy across the authorities might give rise to a brand new oligarchy, and analysts say that oligarchs nonetheless retain important levers of affect.
“Oligarchs have all of the assets they should get their affect again,” Mr. Maliuska mentioned. “The chance remains to be current.”
Like different Ukrainian tycoons, Mr. Akhmetov made his fortune within the Nineteen Nineties, when newly impartial Ukraine transitioned to a market financial system that noticed profitable state-owned property privatized cheaply. He took over Soviet-era coal and metal vegetation and constructed a enterprise empire that additionally included main stakes in agriculture and transportation.
Dmytro Goriunov, an economist on the Kyiv-based Heart for Financial Technique, mentioned oligarchs had been a serious impediment to Ukraine’s financial improvement, hampering competitors by way of monopolies. Earlier than the struggle, they managed greater than 80 p.c of industries like oil refining and coal mining, in line with a research he cowrote.
Consultants say Ukrainian oligarchs used their income to affect politics and the judiciary, in addition to to purchase or launch tv channels to form public opinion.
Mr. Akhmetov as soon as owned as much as 11 channels and supported Viktor Yanukovych, the previous pro-Russia president whom Ukrainians ousted in 2014.
Not like in Russia — the place oligarchs have largely fallen in step with the Kremlin underneath coercion or for self-interest — rivalries amongst Ukrainian tycoons and their help of a wide-range of politicians has given Ukraine’s media and political panorama better selection.
Their giant industrial and agricultural firms have additionally pushed the financial system, using a whole bunch of 1000’s of individuals and attracting international funding.
However Daria Kaleniuk, the chief director of Ukraine’s Anti-Corruption Motion Heart, mentioned the oligarchs’ stakes in enterprise, politics and the information media had created a “vicious circle” the place most levers of energy have been underneath their management, fueling corruption.
When Mr. Zelensky was elected president in 2019 — with the help of a magnate, Ihor Kolomoisky — he promised an all-out assault on the oligarchs. However his efforts, which included overhauling the judiciary and cracking down on corrupt public officers, “didn’t considerably lower the affect of the oligarchs at the moment,” Mr. Maliuska mentioned.
Then got here Russia’s invasion in February 2022.
As Moscow’s assaults centered on Ukraine’s east and south, the nation’s industrial heartland, lots of the oligarchs’ factories have been decimated.
In Mariupol, Mr. Akhmetov’s two large steelworks, together with Azovstal, have been destroyed. So was the nation’s largest oil refinery, in central Ukraine, which was owned by Mr. Kolomoisky. In the present day, fierce combating across the jap metropolis of Avdiivka has compelled Europe’s largest coke plant, one other of Mr. Akhmetov’s properties, to close.
“My companies have been affected essentially the most by the struggle,” Mr. Akhmetov mentioned in written responses to questions. His wind and thermal energy vegetation have been “uncovered to fixed Russian missile and drone assaults,” and his metal and coke vegetation have been “severely broken or briefly occupied,” he mentioned.
Mr. Akhmetov’s metal and mining group Metinvest misplaced almost a 3rd of its property within the struggle’s first yr, in line with the Heart for Financial Technique. Mr. Kolomoisky’s oil property shrank by two-thirds.
However it was maybe the oligarch’s political affect that was hardest hit.
Within the early days of the struggle, because the nation rallied behind its president, oligarchs had little selection however to place apart their political agendas and assist with the struggle effort.
Then, Mr. Zelensky signed a decree merging all cable information right into a single program meant to counter Russian disinformation and increase morale — depriving oligarchs with media arms of a vital software of affect. This system has been denounced as a means for the federal government to stifle criticism.
And by the summer season of 2022, many tycoons had relinquished possession of their media companies to adjust to a regulation handed earlier than the struggle to curb their energy. The regulation states that any individual assembly three out of 4 standards — participation in politics, important media affect, possession of a enterprise monopoly or wealth of no less than $70 million — will likely be designated an oligarch and barred from shopping for privatized state property and funding political events.
Mr. Akhmetov handed over the licenses for his tv and print media to the state in July 2022. “I’m not an oligarch within the authorized sense of the phrase now,” he mentioned.
Because the struggle went on, Ukrainian authorities solid a wider web of their prosecution of oligarchs.
In September, the police arrested Mr. Kolomoisky on suspicion of fraud and cash laundering, and he has since been held in custody. The authorities are additionally making an attempt to extradite Kostyantin Zhevago, a Ukrainian oligarch, from France on fraud prices, and one other one, Dmytro Firtash, for embezzlement. Mr. Akhmetov just isn’t dealing with private authorized proceedings.
“For many years, it was unimaginable to have an oligarch in a pretrial detention heart,” mentioned Mr. Maliuska, the justice minister. “Now, this can be a actuality.”
Mr. Maliuska acknowledged that “the facility of the state is greater” in the course of the struggle, facilitating efforts to interrupt free from the oligarchs’ management over the financial system. However he added that Ukraine’s present crackdown was additionally aimed toward incomes anti-corruption credentials which might be key to securing much-needed Western help.
The European Union, as an illustration, agreed to open accession talks for Ukraine final month, however has confused the necessity to construct “a reputable observe report of investigations, prosecutions and closing court docket selections in high-level corruption instances.”
It stays unclear how that can have an effect on the powers of the oligarchs.
Mr. Goriunov, the economist, mentioned Ukraine remained depending on lots of the oligarchs’ companies. Mr. Akhmetov’s power holding, DTEK, accounts for two-thirds of the nation’s thermal coal manufacturing.
Mr. Akhmetov, in his written feedback, mentioned he meant to play a job within the nation’s postwar reconstruction. “As the most important Ukrainian investor, SCM won’t sit on the sidelines,” he mentioned, referring to his holding firm.
Some in Ukraine additionally concern the oligarchs will likely be changed by a brand new oligarchic system rising from the wartime focus of energy across the authorities.
Valeria Gontareva, who was Ukraine’s central financial institution governor from 2014 to 2017, mentioned she was involved concerning the seizure of oligarchs’ property in the course of the struggle and the way authorities officers would possibly use them for private acquire.
In late 2022, Mr. Kolomoisky’s oil refinery and Mr. Zhevago’s AvtoKrAZ firm, which makes heavy vans, have been nationalized in what the authorities mentioned was a technique to safe very important navy provides. However some actions, such because the seizure of Mr. Zhevago’s shares in mining vegetation, have been contentious and criticized as unjustified.
“It’s state capitalism,” Ms. Gontareva mentioned. “Now the risk just isn’t the previous oligarchs, however the brand new ones who profit from the struggle by way of the redistribution of property and enterprise segments.”
Ms. Kaleniuk, of the Anti-Corruption Motion Heart, concurred. “Within the combat in opposition to dragons,” she mentioned, “we’ve to be cautious to not turn out to be dragons ourselves.”
